E 






COLONIAL imim:iualism 

THE PHILIPPINE POLICY OF THE ADMINISTRATION— A POLICY WHICH HAS 
TARNISHED THE HONOR OF THE NATION, A POLIO I OF BURDENSOME TAX- 
ATION, UNWARRANTED EXPENDITURE OF MONEY, AND WASTE OF HUMAN 
LIFul, AND A POLICY WHICH IS CONTRARY TO THE PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH 
OUR FORM OF GOVERNMENT RESTS. 



SPEECH 



HON. HENRY F. NAPHEN, 



,-^ 



W 
OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



nOUSE OF IlEPPvESl^]N'TATIVES, 



THURSDAY, MAY 17, Uti 







'WA.SKi:N^OrOT>? . 

1900. 






SPEECH 



OF 



HON. HENEY F. NAPHEISr, 



The House having under consideration the bill (S. 3419) making further pro- 
Tii?ion for a civil government for Alaska, and for other purposes — 

Mr. NAPHEN said: 

Mr. Si'Eakek: I shall avail myself of the latitude allo%ved in 
debate on this bill b_y confining myself to another subject, one 
^Yhich is of more imi ortance than the bill under consideration. 

THE ADMINISTRATION'S POI.ICY. 

Though the treaty with Spain was ratified in February, 1899, and 
a few days later the President in an address, speaking of our for- 
eign possessions, said, "This whole suhject is now with Congress, 
and Con.;j;re.~s is the voice, the conscience, and the judgment of 
the American people,"' nevertheless Congress has not thus far been 
called upon to determine the status of the peoples of the Philip- 
pine Islands. I wish to call attention to this fact and place on 
public record my emphatic protest auainst the Philippine policy 
of the Administration— a policy which has tarnished the honor of 
the nation, a policy of burdensome ta.xation and an unwarranted 
expenditure of money, and waste of human life, and a policy 
which is contrary to the principles upon which our form of gov- 
ernment rests. 

I do this with sincerity, placing duty to country above all other 
considerations. 

oiuGixAt. puhpose veiled— bad faith practiced. 

In our treatment of the peoples pf our new possessions we have 
substituted for the law of justice Che maxim of Rob Roy— 

That they should tpkn^rho have the power, 
And thoy shoitl'd keep who can. 

The claim made that we came into pos-ession of those islands 
through force of circumstances beyond our control is not true. 

We declared to the world at the beginning of the war with Spain 
that it was not for a mercenary purpose, but for humanity and 
for the liberation of Cuba. 

In a letter from Mr. \Villiams, our consul at Manila, to Mr. 
Cridler, dated February 22. 1898, he states: 

"The condition here,'" referring to the Philippine Islands, "and 
in Cuba are practically alike. * * * A republic is organized 
here, as in Cuba." 

Nothing was said indicating it to be our purpose to enter upon 
and forcibly retain ])ossession of those is'ands, thousands of miles 
from our shores, inhabited by 10,UU0.Ut)0 of peoples, consisting of 
84 different tribes, of all colors, from the deei)est black to the 
lightest yellow, and of various customs, and speaking a babel of 
tongues. 

'I'lie facts Justify iiic in saying tliat it was the original pur- 
pose of the Adniinistiatiou" to obtain and retain possession 
2 4588 



P 

Con.R". r^eoord Ott^ 



of tlioso islands. This intention of the Administration was 
hidden and not at iirst disclosed. The iM'ople >vere elianned 
by patriotic plirases and Inted alonii as the Pied Piper led the 
children of Hanielin by his innsic. 

Tho day before the President sent his message to Congress rec- 
onimeiuling that a resolution be passed declaring a state of war to 
exist b?tween Spain and the United States, Mr. Pratt, our consul 
at Singapore, was in consultation with Agninaldo, the leader of 
the insurgents, aiul as a result of the iutfrview he that same day 
telegraphed to Admiral Dewey: 

Aguinaklo, insurgcut leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange with 
Commodoro for general cooperation insurgents Manila, if desired. Tele- 

«^=*1'^- PRATT. 

Admiral Dewey replied: 

Tell Aeuiualdo come as soon as possiLlo. 

DEWEY. 

And the next day Agninaldo set sail to meet Dewey. 

On May 20, [>i9s', Mr. Pratt sent a letter to Mr. Day containing 
a translation of a proclamation of the rebel leaders in Plongkong 
headed -'American allies— the manifesto of the Filipinos,"' in which 
they called upon their brothers in the Philippines, "where you 
see "the American flag flying assemble in numbers; they are our 
redeemers." The following is the manifesto referred to: 

AMERICAN ALLIES— TnE MANIFESTO OF THE FILIPINOS. 

Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place independence witliin 
our reach, and iu a way tho most free and independent nation could hardly 
wish for. 

The Americans, not from mercenary motives, but for the sake or humanity 
and the lamentations of so many persecuted peoi)le, have considered it op- 
portune to extend their protecting mantle to ouv beloved country, now that 
they have been obliged to sever relations with Spain, owing to the tyranny 
this nation is exercising in Cuba, causing enormous in j Liry to tho Americans, 
who have such large commercial and other interests there. 

At the present moment an American squadron is preparing to sail for tho 
Philippines. 

We, your brothers, are very much afraid that you may be mduced to fire 
on tho Americans. No, brothers, never make this mistake. Rather blow 
j-our own brains out than fire a shot or treat as enemies those who are j^our 
liberators. 

Your natural enemies, your executioners, the .authors of your misery and 
iinhappinoss, are the Spaniards who govern you. Against these you must 
raise your weapons and odium; understand well, against the Spaniards and 
never against the Americans. 

Take no notice of the decree of the Governor-General calling you to arms, 
although it may cost you your lives. Rather die than bo ungrateful to our 
American liberators. 

The Governor- General calls you to arms. What for? To defend your 
Spanish tyrants? To defend those that have dopised you, and even in public 
speeches asked for your extermination— tliose that have treated you little 
bettor than savages? No! No! A thousand times nol 

Give a glance at history and you will see that all Spain's wars in Oceania 
have sacrificed Philippine blood. We have bien put to fight in Cochin China 
to assist tho French in an aft'air that iu no way concerned tho Pliilippine.s. 
We were compelled to spill our blood by Simon de Anda against the English, 
who in any ca.se would have made better rulers than the Spaniards. Every 
year our children are taiien away to be sacrificed in Mindanao and Sulu on 
the ])reteuse of making us believe these people are our enemies, when in 
realitv they are our brothers, like us, fighting for their independence. 

And having sacrificed our blood against tho English, against the Annam- 
ites, against the peoiilc of Jlindanao, etc., what recompense qi- thanks have 
we received from the'Spanish Government? Obscurity, poverty, tho butchery 
of those dear to us. Enough, brothers, of this Spani.->h tutelage. 

Take note, the Americans will attack by sea and prevent any reenforce- 
ments coming from Spain; therefore wo insurgents must attack by land. 
Probably you will have more than sufficient arms, because the Americans 
have arms and will find means to assist us. 

There, where you sea the American fiag flying, assemljle in numbers. 
They are our redeemers. 
458i 



Otir unworthy n<amesare as nofaiiig, but one and all of us invoke the name 
of the greato>t laatriot our country has seen, in the sure and certain hope 
that his spirit will be with us in these moments and guide us to victory— our 
immortal Jose Rizal. 

On June 9 Mr. Pratt sent a letter to Mr. Day giving an account 
of an address presented to him by the Philippine colony at Singa- 
pore after Aguiualdos success near Manila, in which they said: 

Our countrymen at home and those of us residmg here, refugees from 
Spanish misrule and tyranny in our beloved native land, hope that the United 
States, your nation, persevering in its humane policy, will efficaciously sec- 
ond the" prouirammo ari-angod between you. sir, and General Aguinaldo in 
this port of Singapore, and secure to us our independence under the protec- 
tion of the United States. 

To this Consul Pratt replied in part as follows: 
Rest assured, though, that I fully understand and sincerely appreciate 
the motives that have prompted your present action, and that your words, 
which have sunk deep in my heart, shall be faithfully repeated to the Presi- 
dent, to Admiral Dewey, aiid to the American people, from whom I am sure 
they will meet with full and generous response. (See Appendix for full 
account— Exhibit A.) 

Mr. Pratt did not deny that such an agreement had been entered 
into with Aguinaldo. as claimed by the Filipinos, whereby their 
independence would be secured under the protection of the United 
States. On the contrary, he said: 

I am thankful to have been the means, though merely the accidental 
means, of bringing about the arrangement between General Aguinaldo and 
Admiral Dewey, which has resulted so happily. I can only h-tpe that the 
eventful outcome wiU be all that can be desired for the happiness and wel- 
fare of the Filipinos. 

I admit that a letter was written by Mr. Day on June IG to Mr. 
Pratt, in which he states: 

It is assumed that you did not attempt to commit the Government to any 
alliance with the Philippine insurgents. * * * To obtain the unconditional 
personal assistance of General Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was 
proper, if in so doing he was not induced to form hopes which might not b© 
practicable to gratify. 

This letter, however, was written after Admiral Dewey and his 
heroic men achieved the glorious victory in Manila Bay, a victory 
which earned the deserved gratitude of a nation for that intrepid 
leader and his men, and after Aguinaldo arrived at Manila on one 
of our ships with thirteen staif ofiicers, at the request of Dewey, 
and had gathered around him between eight and forty thousand 
men, who were supplied by us with arms, ammunition, and sup- 
jjlies, and also after they had rendered valuable assistance in sub- 
duing and holding the city of Manila, and we had treated them as 
our allies. That thej- were treated as allies is evidenced by a letter 
from (Jeneral Anderson to Aguinaldo, dated July G, 1898, from 
which I quote the following: 

Very soon we expect a Large addition to our forces, and it must be appar- 
ent to you. as a military ofticer, that we will require much more room to camp 
our soldiers, and also storeroom for our supplies. For this I would like to 
have your excellency's advice and cooperation, as you are best acquainted 
with the resources of this country. It must be apparent to you that we do 
not intend to remain hero inactive, but to move promptly against our coni- 
mon enemy. 

And in a letter from ]\Iajor Jones written to Aguinaldo, dated 
July 17, which said in part: 

Our nation has .spent millions of money to send forces hero to expel the 
Spaniards and to give a goo 1 government to the whole people, and the return 
wo ask is comparatively slight. General Anderson wishes you to inform 
your jteople that we are hero for their good. 

There was no suggestion by us that it was our intention to de- 
prive them of their independence. 



It is claimed that Mr. Pratt was not antliorized to act for us, 
yet he was in corrt'spoiulence with our Secretary of State, and 
was sni)pos?d to keep him informed of what he was doing. If Mr. 
Pratt believed ho did not have authority, he could have cahled Mr. 
Day heforo he cabled Dewey and before entering into negotiations 
with Aguinaldo. 

I am .iustihedin claiming that some inducements must have been 
held out to Aguinaldo. Some political pledges, express or implied, 
were given; otherwise, why d.d he, after having at first failed to 
gather his peop'e around him and was about to sail away, return 
at the request of Admiral Dewey and successfully accomplish 
that for which we brought him to Manila. 

I appeal to any lawyer on this floor, would he not be justified, 
if he were arguing a case with facts similar to this, in asserting 
that there must have been some promise given, express or implied? 

Gentlemen, the American people are the jury in this case, and 
they will render a just verdict next November. 

THE REAIi ror.TCY DISCLOSED. 

The first time we publicly indicated our purpose to obtain and 
retain possession of the Philippine Islands was in the communica- 
tion from our Secretary of State to the minister of state of Spain, 
in which he declared it to be our intention to occupy and hold the 
city, bay, and harbor of Manila i^ending the conclusion of the 
ti'eaty of peace which was to " determine the control, disposition, 
and government of the Philippine Islands." 

The maiority of the commissioners appointed by the President 
to negotiate the treaty of peace w^ere members of the Senate — 
two of whom were on the Committee on Foreign Relations. They 
represented the Executive to negotiate a compact upon which 
they were thereafter to sit in judgment as members of the leg- 
islative branch of the Government, though the constitutional 
theory of our Govtrnuieiit is that the executive, legislative, and 
judiciary departments are to be kept separate and distinct. 

This commission received definite instructions as to the terms 
which were to be offered to Spain, though these instructions have 
never been made public. One of the principal requirements 
insisted upon by the commission was the cession of the Philippine 
Islands. 

The first article of the protocol gave us authority to occupy and 
hold the city, bay, and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion 
of the treaty of peace, which was to determine the disposition, con- 
trol, and government of the Philii)pines. Neverthele.-s. the Presi- 
dent issued an order to the Secretary of War eleven days after the 
signing of the Paris treaty by the representatives of both nations, 
in which he said: 

The future control, clisposition, and g'overnment of the Philippine IslnnrJs 
are coded to the United States. In fulfillment of the rights of sovereignty 
thus acquired, and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, 
the actual occupation and administration o! the entire group ot the Philip- 
pine Islands becomes immediately necessary, and the inilitary governnient 
heretofore maintained by tlie United States' in the city, harbor, and bay of 
Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch to the who e of the ceded 
territory. * * * It will bo the duty of the commaudei- of the forces of 
occupation to announce and proclaim in the most piiblic manner that we come, 
not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends. * ■•= * The operations of civil 
and municipal government are to be performed by snch ofHcers as may ac- 
cept the supremacy of the United States by taking the oath of allei^iance. 
* * * Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military 
administration to win the confido:ice, resiiect, and affection of the inhabit- 
ants of the Philippines by assuring to them in every possible way that full 
measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of freo poo- 
1588 



plc9, and by proviiiGr to them that the mission of the United States is one of 
benevolent assimilation substituting the mild sway of justice and right for 
aa"bitrary rule. 

(Letter appendix— Exhibit B.) 

The President, on January 20. in instructions to the Secretary 
of Sta'e, informed him that he had appointed a commission to 
facilitate effective ext. nsion of authority throushont the islands, 
and stated that the treaty had not been ratified, bat expected it 
to be by the time the commission arrived at Manila, and that he 
intrusted the temporary government of the islands to the military 
authorities until Congress should determine otherwise. 

The territory was not ceded to us at this time. The treaty had 
not been ratified by the President with the consent of the Senate, 
as provided, nor had the terms of ratification been exchanged 
between the Governments. 

According to the terms of the treaty, until its ratification we 
had not the right to occ;ipy a foot of territory beyond the city of 
i\lanila. We had not succeeded to the sovereignty of Spain, and 
the FilipiK s were not under our authority or sovereignty. Act- 
ing under that unauthorized possession, we otcupied territory 
which had heen occupied by the Filipinos as conquered territory. 
Never. heless. on August 28, lcS!)9, the President, in a speech at 
Pittsburg, saul: "Every step taken was in obedience to the re- 
quirements of the Constitution. It became our territory, and is 
ours as much as the Louisiana Purchase, or Texas or Alaska. A 
body of insurgents, in no sense representing the sentiment of the 
people of the islands, dispute our law'ful authority, and even be- 
fore ratification of the treaty by the American Senate were at- 
tacking the forces who fought for and se ured their freedom. 
This was the situation in April, lyyO, the date of the exchange of 
ratifirations." 

Cur action was in the nature of a declaration of war upon those 
people, who had been aiding us. and who had given no otrense. 

So far, then, from the acquisition of the Philippine Islands be- 
ing forced upon us as the result of circumstanc 'S. it is apparent 
that their acquisition was contemplated from the beginning, 

TDE TREATY OF rEAOE— MANNER OF ITS ADOPTION. 

The treaty as made re<juired the assent of two-thirds of the 
Senate. This number could not be obtained unless heroic meas- 
ures were resorted to. Our troops and the Filipino forces were 
at this time facing each other peace, ully awaiting the outcome of 
negotiations with Spain. There were in the Senate, as there are 
in all bodies, men who are afraid of being suspected of want of 
patriotism— halting, waiting, wavering men— not men of earnest 
and pronounced opinions, not men who considered only the pub- 
lic good, l)ut of that class who look particularly to their own 
political fortunes and want to be on what they suppose the " pop- 
ular side." 

On the morning of the day the vote was to be taken upon the 
ratification of the treaty news came that our troop- were fired 
upon by the Filipinos, and the wavering Senators went over to 
the majority. The treaty was confirmed by a single vote over 
the rerjuisite number. 

It was for the advantage of the Filipinos that the treaty should 
be defeated. If it was not ratified, the United States would not 
acquire even a paper title to the islands, and nonraiification of 
the treaty meant practical indeiiendence for the Filipinos. It 
was for their interest to avoid a rupture. On the other hand, it 

iSSS 



wasfortlie interestof the Administration spekingadditional Sena- 
torial votes to bring about a couditian of things which would 
capture the weak and wavering. 

B'lLIPINO nOSTlWTV PROVOKED— A PAUT OF THE PIIOGUAJIME OF AGGItES- 

SION. 

General Otis could tell the facts — the real facts— which led to 
open mixture between our soldiers and tlie Filipinos at the crucial 
moment during the pendency of the treaty of peace, and it 
is quite likely his knowledge of and connection with the real cause 
of hostilities was one of the reasons for his long retention at 
Manila despite his unpopularity, the Administration fearing to 
remove him lest such acti. n might lead to an exposi^ ol' this and 
many other features of Mie Philippina campaign for which General 
Otis was held responsible, although under orders from Wash- 
ington. 

It Trill go into history tliat the conflict from ^.vliioli the 
present war followed — a war titat has caused a waste of iniiuau 
life aiiil treasure — was brought about to secure the ratilica- 
tiou of the treaty and the cession of the Philii)j>ine Islands. 
Regardless of our pledges to the Filipinos and tiie world, we 
propose to hold those islands without obtaining or asking the 
consent of the people and to goveru them by laws in the mak- 
ing of Avhich they have had no voice. All this we are told is 
for "civilization"— -shooting them if they do not accept our 
authority. Let us not pretend to be there for the spiritual 
good of the people, when in reality we are there for nuggets 
of gold, mountains of iron and— power. 

Civilization — civilization — manj' sins are committed in thy 
name. 

In the langiiage of Washington, in his Farewell Address, "The 
maxim is no less applicable to i)ublic than to private affairs— hon- 
estj' is the best policy." 

Jefferson foresaw the present condition when he said, "Indeed, 
I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just." 

V>'U,r, COLONIAL IMPERIALISM PAY COMMERCIALLY? 

Assuming that the honor of the nation is not tarnished, will it 
pay us to hold ijossessiou of those islands? 

The most careful examination of statistics show that the entire 
product of the islands, consisting of hemp, sugar, and copra, will 
not exceed §25.000,000 per year, and the entire imports have not 
exceeded over §12,000,00) a year. The cost of maintaining oar 
soldiers in a foreign country is not less that $1,000 each man, per 
year. It must be conceded that from 30,000 to 40,0J0 men will be 
required permanently in tlie islands after we have conquered the 
peo]ile into sullen sul mission. 

The Go, 000 men we have there now will soon be disabled. Add 
to that the dead and the sick up to date, and it will reach 80.000. 
Our pec'iion list is now over §i;J0,00O,O0O. This war will bring it 
over $2OJ,O00,O0O. 

Where will we get 63.000 men to replace the men now there? 

Add to that the expenses of the Federal lists to keep the people 
enslaved and force our modern Christianity upon them by the 
sword. 

If the products were all plunder and the exports to the islands 
were all profit, the maintenance of the Army alone would almost 
consume the products and exports. Tlie exi)orts to China, about 

158o 



8 

which we are hearing so much, it is safe to say. do not exceed 
$340,000,000. 

If it were possible for the United States, by reason of its occu- 
pation of the Philippine Is'ands. to secure the whole of the trade 
with China and add to it the entire trade of the Philippines, the 
profit upon it would not equal the cost of maintaining the Army, 
Isavy. and the civil administration necessary to keep the Philip- 
pines in subjection and properly carry on their government. 

We owe to day $4,380,000,000— almost §1,380,000,000 more than 
England, with her large navy and immense terriiory— and yet 
they tell us that it pays. 

Verily this Administration needs an arithmetic as much as it 
needs a conscience. 

THE COST OF THE PHILIPPINE WAR— IN MEN AND MONEY. 

It is safe to say that the cost of the war in the Philippines will 
reach $200,(100.000 to date. Add to that the expenses of the cur- 
rent year, which will exceed $100,000,000. and it will be found that 
the cost of the Government has so increased that a man who has 
a family of five persons will, before the end of the j^ear, have paid 
almost $20 as his share of the cost of our mission of "benevojent 
assimilation, march of civilization, manifest destination, and plain 
duty." 

If one- tenth of this money'squandered in shooting down fellow- 
men because they refuse to submit to be treated as subjects, was 
judiciously emp.oyed in developing the harbors of our principal 
cities, it would call into existence ten times more trade for the 
country than we possibly can expect by holding those islands as a 
colonial possession and keeping a people under submission by 
military rule. 

TRUE EXPANSION. 

The money unnecessarily taken from the people could be used 
in perfecting the fortifications of our coast and make them more 
impregnable against the attack of a foreign power, and be used in a 
way that would materially promote cominerce by improving the 
harl'ors of our principal cities. Then we would have the true ex- 
pansion-industrial expansion— man u'acturing expansion— cona- 
mercial expansion. With deep and wide harbors to accommodate 
the deepest-draft vesse's afloat, backed by a merchant marine, our 
vessels will carry the flag and the trade into every market in the 
world. This is the expansion v.-e want, and the expansion we must 
obtain -an expansion that does not require the aid of the sword. 

EXPANSION OF TRADE AT THE COST OF BI.OOD. 

Let not our place among the commercial nations of the world 
be obtained at the .'sacrifice of human liberty. 

(ireat Britain's object in the war of the Revolution was to con- 
trol the trade and commerce of the United States. The response 
of the colonists, through Benjamin Franklin, was as follows: 

To mo itssems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade how 
valuable soever, is an obiect for which men may justly spill each other's 
blooa-that the true and sure means of oxtendinj,' or securing commerce is 
the Rootlne-s and cheapness of commodities: and that the profit of any trade 
cin never be equal to the expense of <-ompelIinK it and holding it by fleets or 
armies, and I am persuaded that cool, dispa.ssionate posterity will condemn to 
infamy tlio.se who adviso it, and that even success will not save from some 
degree of dishonor those who voluntarily engage in it. 

THE LOUISIANA PUrtOII ASE-LOGICAL EXPANSION. 

Much has been said about the purchase of Louisiana. This was 
contiguous territory and came within the pale of our American 
svstem. 

4088 



9 

It was a territory fit for probatory before coming to statehood. 
Not so here. The peoples of those ishmds never can become Amer- 
icanized. The inliabitants of the Louisiana territory asked to be 
annexed for their own protection. For their commercial interests, 
and their commercial rights they wanted to become a part of us. 
Its acquisition was peaceful and bloodless, and was the first sfeii 
in the withdrawal of European sovereignty from this hem sphere, 
and prevented war. Every sciuare mile of additional territory 
meant more room, more homes, and more opportunities for our 
people. 

THE rniLTPPIXES A PANDORA'S BOX. 

The Philippines we hold possession of through the sacrifice of 
lives. The;r possession brings us within reach of European na- 
tions, and we will be obliged to enter into their councils, and if 
they engage in a war we wall be liable to become involved. Even 
if we subdue the people into submission, a large standing army 
and navy will be necessary to defend the islands against the am- 
bition and jealousy of other nations. 

' You can not go to the Philippines to live and work. Those 
islands only furnish a chance for capitalists to increase their 
wealth through the employment of cooly, contract, or practically 
slave labor, the product to be sold in competition with what we 
produce, while the cost of the army and navy necessary to keep 
the people in sul).iection and prote 't these capitalistic euterpri^es 
will be borne by the working people. The evidence is over- 
whelming that men from the temperate zone can not become ac- 
climated in the Tropics, and such regions must continue to be 
permanently peopled by their native inhabitants. 

Captain Hatch, of the Eighteenth Iniantry, who was with the 
first troops to go to the Philippines and remained there for more 
than one year, recently stated that— 

The climate is that of the torrid zone. There is little difference between 
July and Doiember. There is a constant, never-ceasing heat, that depresses 
and enervates the constitution of a man from the temperate clime. An 
American in the Philippines can network in the sun or at outdooi" labor. He 
would not live six months at such work. Only a Chinaman, a Filipino, or 
some one with a dark skin can ever work out of doors in the Pliilippincs. 
An Amerif>an may live in the Philippines, pursuing an occupation that 
would keep him under cover; out of doors, never. 

This is borne out by the testimony of Professor Dean C. Wor- 
cester and many other authorities. The Philipijines, therefore, 
can not be held as a possession to successfully co'onize. If we 
retan them they will be a "weight around our necks."' Let us 
hesitate before we commit ourselves to the policy of holding them, 
or we may repent; we will discover too late, that our supposed 
diamonds of great price are only paste. 

THE CONSTITUTION STRAINED. 

Assuming that by retaining possession of those islands we have 
not violated national morals, and that from a mercenary stand- 
point it will pay us to keep them, there are still grave objections 
to our retention of them. 

It can not be questi.>72ed but that the United States has a right 
to acquire territory either by purchase, cession, or conquest, but 
in holding it we must act within the limits of constitutional au- 
thority. In the interpretation of the Constitution it is to be con- 
strued in favor of justce. and the same rule should be followed 
that is adopted in interpreting a statute -that is, it should be con- 
strued according to the intention of the framers. 
45SS 



10 

As stated by Chief Justice Taney, 1!) Howard, at page 4'?G, Scott 
i:s. Lanford — 

The Constitution must be construed novv' as it was understood at the time 
of its adoption. As long as it continues to exist in its present form, it speaks 
not only with the same words but the same meaning and intent with which 
it sjioko when it came from the liands of the framers, and was voted on and 
adopted by th.o people of the United States. What the Constitution was at 
that time I thiuk there can be hardly any doubt. 

If we retain possession of those islands and govern them as 
colonial dependencies, as proposed, our much abused Constitu- 
tion, which has been stretched and bent under the implied-power 
doctrine until in many respects it has lost its original )neaning, 
will by this policy receive an additional wrench, and we must 
read into it the words "colonies" and " subjects." It must be 
stretched to cover new laws, new officials, new responsibilities, 
new duties, and new powers. 

Instead of an instrument confining and restricting the powers 
of the Government, our Constitution has come to be regarded as 
a document in which the Government can find warrant for the 
exercise of any power. 

Procrustes stretched and shortened his victims to make them 
fit his bed. The proposition now is to make our b.-^d— the Con- 
stitution—in which we have rested for over one hundred years, 
adjustable to whatever giant or dwarf may come along our national 
highway. 

Our Constitution is the foundation of all law. Respect for law 
is of necessity the foundation of democratic form of government, 
and whatever is done to undermine or weaken that respect is a 
source of great danger. 

The practice of wresting the Constitution from its plain pur- 
pose to meet the exigencies of a particular occasion will have a 
distinctly pernicious effect upon the morals and conduct of the 
people, by causing them to regard law as something to be evaded, 
if possible, and obeyed as a last resort under compulsion. There 
is no authority, even under the most elastic estimate of the im- 
plied powers of Congress, that confers a right upon the United 
States to hold and govern those possessions as colonial depend- 
encies. 

There is no authority, even under the most elastic estimate of 
the implied powers of Congress, that confers a right upon the 
United States to hold and govern those possessions as colonial 
dependencies. 

Herein precisely is where our form of government differs from 
Old World forms. To carry out this proposition, not only must 
our Constitution be trampled under foot, but the whole iiistorv 
and spirit of our institutions must be defied, and the iiag robbed 
of its brightest glory. 

Webster, in his speech in 1848 on the Mexican Star, used these 
words: 

An arbitrary government may have territorial government in distant pos- 
sessions, because an arbitrary government mav rule its distant territories 
by different laws and different systems. Russia may govern the Ukraine 
the Caucasus, and Kamtschatka by different codes or uka.ses. Wo can do no 
such thing. 

To assert this right is contrary to the vital princip'es of the Dec- 
laration of Indei:endence, wliich the American people have be- 
lieved in, and have no more questioned their truth, than they have 
questioned the Ten Commandments or the Sermon on the Mount, 
and is an insult to the memory of those who pledged their lives, 
their fortunes, and their sacred honor for justice and libertv— an 



11 

insult to the memory of those who suffered, Lied, and died during 
the seven years' war of the Revolution. 

It was against this method of government that the men of the 
Revolution fought. It can not be assumed that those who com- 
posed the Constitutional Convention, many of whom had been 
leaders in the struggle, aad all ardent sympathizers and active sup- 
porters of that cause, should turn about and coolly malce ))rovi- 
sions to fasten upon other people that same galling yoke which they 
had so recently escaped. Rather is it to be supposed that they had 
in mind the principles of the Declaration of Independence, that 
"governments derive their just powers from the consent of the 
governed," and that the freedom which they had fou-ht for and 
won, they intended sharing with all who might ask the protection 
of our flag. 

STATEHOOD— NOT COLONIAL IMPERIALISM— MUST FOLLOW. 

Exclusive Federal control of territory should be but a tempo- 
rary stage, to be followed by the permanent condition of statehood. 
Judge Cooley, in his Constitutional Law (page 1^8), says: 

Indeed, it could never have been understood that any territory which by 
purchase, cession, or conquest should at any time come under the conti-ol of 
the United States should permanently be held in a territorial condition— and 
when territory is acquired, the right to suffer States to be formed therefrom 
and to receive them into tho Union must follow, of course— not only bccauso 
the Constitution confers the power to admit new .States without restriction, 
but also because it would be inconsistent with institvitions founded on the 
fundamental idea of self-government, that the Federal Government should 
retain territory under its own imperial rule and deny the people the custom- 
ary local institution. 

The same point is emphasized by Chief Justice Marshall in 
Loughborough vs. Blake (5 Wheaton, 317-334). His language is 
as lollows: 

The Territories are in a state of infancy advancing to manhood— looking 
forward to complete equality so soon .as that state of manhood shall be de- 
tei'mined. 

In reply to the charge that the United States maintain a condi- 
tion that the colonies denounced Chief Justice Marshall in the 
same case said: 

The difference between requiring a continent with an immense population 
to submit to be taxed by a government having no common interest with it, 
separated from it by a vast ocean and associated with it by no common feel- 
ings, and permitting the representatives of the American peojile under the 
restriction of our Constitution to tax a part of society which is in a state of 
infancy, advancing to manhood, looking forward to complete equality, so 
soon as that state of manhood shall be attained, as is the case with thoTer- 
ritories, * * * is too obvious not to present itself to the minds of all. 

In Scott VS. Sanford (19 Howard, 393-446) , Chief Justice Taney 
said: 

There is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the Federal Gov- 
ernment to establish .and maintain colonies bordering on the United States 
or at a distance to be ruled and governed at its own iileasure. nor to enlarge 
its territorial limits in any way except by the .admission of new States, but 
no power is given to acquire territory to be hold and governed permanently 
in that character 

Chancellor Kent, in his Commentaries, page 385, states that: 

The establishment of distant Territorial governments ruled according to 
the will and pleasure of Congress would have a very natural tendency, as all 
preconsular governments have had, to abuse and oppression. 

In the case of Murphy vs. Ramsey (114 United States, page 15) 
the language of the courts is as follows: 

The power of Congress over Territories is limited by the obvious purposes 
by which it was conferred, and these purposes aio satisfied by measures 
which prepare the people of the Territories to become States of the Union. 

4588 



12 

Justice Gray, iu the case of Shivelv vf<. Bollly (152 United 
States, 1-57), said: 

Upon the acrniisition of territory by tlio United States, whether by cession 
by one of the States, or by treaty with a foreign country, or Viy discovery 
and settlement, the same titloand dominion pass to the United States for the 
benefit of the wlinle people in itstrtist for the several States to be ultimately 
created out of the territory. 

The Philippine islands are as much a part of the dominion of 
the United States as Maine or California, and our sovereignty over 
the irdiabitants is complete. 

The Spanish treaty recosrnizes the nationality of the Spanish 
subjects remaining in the ceded territory who do not formally 
record a declaration of their intention to preserve such allegiance, 
to be held to have renounced it, and to have adopted the nation- 
ality of the territory in which they may reside. 

Story on the Constitution, paragraph Vd2i, referring to terri- 
tory ac:iuired by couriuest or treaty, says: 

The ceded territory becomes a part of the United Statcf?. Th-^ act trans- 
ferring the country transfers the allegiance of the inhabitants so that they 
become citizens of the Union thereby. 

Hallett on International Law, page 380, holds that— 

In either case— conquest or cession— the national character of the inhab- 
itants who remain is deemed to be (changed from that of the former to the 
nev/ sovereign, and that in their relations with other nations thev are enti- 
tled to all the advantages and subject to all the disadvantages of "their w^w 
international status. 

In the case of the American Sugar Company vs. Canter (1 Pe- 
ters, 511), Chief Justice Marshall said: 

On such transfer of territory it has never been held that the relation of 
the inhabitants with each other undergo any change. Their relations with 
their former sovereigns are dissolved and new relations between them and 
the government which has acquired their territory. The same act which 
transfei-s their country transfers the allegiance of thoss that rem.ain in it. 

In Now Orleans vs. The United States (10 Peters, 663) it is laid 
down that— 

The succession of sovereignty docs not authorize the United States to ex- 
ercise prerogatives of sovereignty not consistent with the Constitution of the 
United States. 

In Johnson vs. Mcintosh (8 Whoaton, 589) it is laid down: 

The title by conquest is required to be maintained by force— the conqueror 
prescribes its limits— humanity, however, acting on public opinion has estab- 
lished as a general rule that the conquered shall not be wantonly oppressed 
and that their condition shall remain as eligible as is complete with the ob- 
jects of the conquest. Most usually they are incorporated with the victorious 
nation and become subjects or citizens of tho country with which they are 
connected. The new and old members of society mingle with each other— 
the distinction between them is gradually lost, and they make one people 
\\ here this incorporation is practicable, humanity demands, and a wise policy 
requires, that the rights of the conqueror to property should remain unim- 
paired- that the new subjects should be governed as equitably us the old 
and that conhdencc^ in their security should graduallv bani.sh the painful 
f-ense ot uemg .separated from their own connections and united by force to 
strangers. 

CAUSE OF LIliKRTY UMVERSAL. 

If we retain po.=;session of the Philippines, they can not be held 
as colonie.s or dependencies: they must l.e held as territory to be 
governed within con.stitntional limitations, with the beacon light 
of statehood hold before them. The same Constitution which gov- 
erns us must govern thes3 inhabitants: every prohibition which 
bind.s Congress liero binds it there. Th? Constitution is for their 
peoph'S as it is for us; the sacred rights which the Constitution 
guarantees are theirs as much as they are ours. Liberty does not 

4568 



13 

mean one thing in the States and something entirely different in 
the Philippines. 

In the Iangua2:e of Washington, " The cause of liberty is con- 
fined to no continent or climate." 

This is the most serious question that has confronted us during 
our e.vstence as a nation. If we hold them, we must maue them 
a part of our Government, and open our doors to the coolj' labor 
of the Philippines, which will enter into competition with Amer- 
ican lal or, and this reservoir of human labor will hopelessly sub- 
merge the workmen of America. "A gulf profound as that Per- 
bonian bog betwixt Damiata and Mount Casins old"' will then 
rise between wealth and poverty, and the workinginen will be 
ground down to a state lower than before. 

THE LEAVEN OP ASIATIC DEGEXERACY. 

Then it will not be a foe from without but a foe from within 
that we must fear. It is the degeneration and demoralization 
that will happen if this flotsam and jetsam of the Orient are 
brought here. When the " war drums throb no longer and the 
battle flags are furled," there will grow cancer-hke in our nation, 
the discontent of labor. God forbid that the shadow of pre-revo- 
lutionary France is upon this nation. Let us hope that the cun- 
ning, clever, and unscrupulous demagogues will not have the 
opportunity to fan the flames of discontent into a fire that will 
cost millions in treasure and countless lives. Let us hope that 
the same hand that wielded the sword in defense of our country 
will, when the sword is beaten into the plowshare, be guiding the 
development of the country. 

To hold the Philippine Islands will not only cause danger from 
within, but will be contrary to the teachings of the fathers of the 
Republic, and will be a departure from our traditionary policy, 
which has been " accretion, not colonization." 

Washington in his Farewell Addi'ess said: 

Tbe great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extend- 
ing our coaimercial relations, to have with them as little political connection 
as possible. * * * Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have 
none i^r very remote relation. * * * Hence she must be engaged in fre- 
quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- 
cerns. * * * Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate our- 
selves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the 
ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our 
detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different 
course. * * * We may choose peace or war as our interests, guided by 
justice, shall counsel. 'NVhy forego the choice of so peculiai" n situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by ent.iugling our 
destiny with any p.irt of Europe, entangle the peace and prosperity in the 
toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, and caprice? 

No one can deny but that which he warned us against will hap- 
pen if we retain this territory thousands of miles away. We will 
not be in a position to choose betwen peace or war as we desire. 
No nation possessing foreign colonies has been able to choose be- 
tween peace and war. 

Jefferson, in writing to Madison concerning territorial aggran- 
dizement, when a commercial treaty with England was in pros- 
pect, said: 

Bonaparte would giveua the Floridas to withhold intercourse with the 
residue of tho5e (the Spanish) colonies. But that is no price, because they 
are ours in the first moment of the tirst war, .and until a war they are of no 
particular necessity to us: but although with diliiculty he will consent to 
our receiving Cuba into our Union— that would be a price, and I would im- 
m.ediately erect a column on the southernmo-it limit of Cuba and inscribe on 
it "Ne plus ultra"— '"As to us in that direction." Wo should then have only 
to include the North in our confederacy, which would be, of course, in the 
first war, and we should have such an empire lor liberty as she never sur- 
veyed since the creation. 
4588 



14 

In a letter to Thomas Paine, March 18. 1801. Jefferson wrote: 

Determined as we are to avoid, if possible, wasting tlie energies of our 
people in war and destruction, wo shall avoid implicating oui-selves with the 
powers of Europe, even in supi)ort of principles which we mean to pursue. 
* s= * -^ye believe we can ontorce those principles as to ourselves by peace- 
able means, now that we aro likely to have our public councils detached 
from foreign views. 

In a letter to William Short, October 3, 1801, on the Monroe 
doctrine, Jefferson said: 

We have a perfect horror at o%'erything like connecting ourselves v.'ith the 
politics of Europe. 

On August 4, 1820, in a letter to William Short, he said: 

I hojie he [referring to the minister to Brazil by the Government of Por- 
tiTgal] sees and will promote in his new situation the advantages of a cordial 
frateriialization among the American nations and the importance of their 
coalescing in an American system of policy, totally independent and uncon- 
nected with that of Europe. The day is not distant when vre may foj-mally 
require a meridian of partition through the ocean which separates the two 
hemispheres, on the liither side of which no European gun shall be heard nor 
an American f)n the other, and when during the rage of the eternal v.'ars of 
Europe the lion and the lamb within our regions sliall lie down together in 
peace. 

Monroe said in his annual message of December 3, 1823: 
In the wars of Euroisoan powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have 
nevertakenanypart; nor does it comport us sotodo. With the movements of 
this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes 
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The polit- 
ical system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from 
that of America. We owe it therefore to candor and to the amicable relations 
existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we 
should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any por- 
tion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the ex- 
isting colonies and dependencies of any European power we have not inter- 
fered and shall not interfere. 

Our proposed policy will be a departure from the above. 

Webster, on April 11, 1826, in a speech on the Panama mission, 
came boldlj' to the defense of the Monroe doctrine and said: 

The country's honor is involved in that declaration. * * * f jgok upon 
it as a part of its treasures of reputation, and for one I intend to guard 
it. * * * I look on tlio message as forming a bright page in our history. 
I will help neither to ei\ase it or tear it out, nor shall it be by any act of mine 
blurred or blotted. It did honor to the sagacity of the Government, and I 
will not diminish that honor. 



by 

and Eii,;,'land to become a party to the proposed convention relative 
to Cuba, said: 

England within half a century has added very extensively to her empire. 
ThcKe acquisitions have created no uneasiness on the part of the United 
States. In like manner the United States have within the same period greatly 
increased their territory. The largest addition was that of Louisiana, which 
was purchased from France. 

These accessions of territory have properly caused no uneasiness to the 
gi'eat European powers, as they have been brought about bv the operation 
of natural causes and without any disturbance of the international relations 
ot the T)i-incipal states. They have been followed also by a great increase of 
mutually beneficial comm(M-cial intercourse between the United States and 
Eurojuv, but the case would bo different in reference to the transfer of Cuba 
from Sixiin to any other European power— wo should view it in somewhat 
the same light in which France and England would view the acquisition of 
some important i.sland in the Mediterranean by the United States, with this 
diirereiico, it is truo-the attempt of the United States to establish them- 
selves in Europe would be a novelty. 

How much more of a novelty is it to extend our territory in Asia? 

Hauul ton Fish, who was Secretary of State under General Grant, 
in a letter to Sir E. Thornton, in April, 1873, stated: 

It is not the jjolicy of the United States to undiu-take in Africa the man 
agement of movements within the particular range of private enterprise 
45 « 



15 

Secretary Frelingliuysen, Secretary of State under President 
Arthur, in a letter to Mr. Langston, in 1S83, said: 

Tho policy of this Government as declared on many occasions in the past 
has tended toward avoidance of possessions disconnected from tho main 
continent. Had tho tendency of tho United States been to extend territorial 
dominion beyond intervening seas, opportunities have not been wanting to 
effect such a purpose, whether on the coast of ^Vfrica, in the West Indies, or 
in the South Pacific. 

In another letter, in 1884, he said: 

A conviction that the fixed policy datinc; back to the origin of our constitu- 
tional Government was considered' to make it inexpedient to attempt terri- 
torial aggrandizement which would require maintenance by a naval force in 
excels of any yet provided t or our national uses— has led this Government to 
decline territorial acquisition. 

Secretary Bayard, in 1885, wrote: 

The policy of the United States declared and pursued for more than a 
century discountenances, and iu practice forbids, distant colonial acquisition. 

President Cleveland, in his first annual message, said: 

I do not favor the policy of acquisition of new and distant territory or in- 
corijoration of remote interests with our own. 

Onr Philippine pol'cy is well described by John Morley in criti- 
cising the foreign policy of England: 

First, you push on into territories where you have no business to be and 
where you had promised not to go; secondly, your intrusion provokes re- 
sentment, and in these wild countries resentment means resistance; thirdly,- 
you instantly cry out that the people are rebellious and that their act is re- 
bellion (.this'in spite of your own assurance that you nave no intention of 
setting up a permanent sovereignty over them); fourthly, you send a force 
to stamp out the rebellion; and, fifthly, having spread bloodshed, confusion, 
and anarchy, you declare with hands uplifted to the heavens that moral 
reasons f jrco you to stay, for if you were to leave this territory would be 
left in a condition which no civilized power could contemplate with equa- 
nimity or composure. These are the five stages in the Forward Rake"s prog- 
ress. 

The words of Burke in 177o apply with equal force at the present 
time concerning our policy in the Philippines: 

To prove that they ought not to be freed, we are obliged to depreciate the 
value of freedom itself * * * all dread of a standing military force is 
looked upon as a superstitious panic. We grow indifferent to the conse- 
quences inevitable to oui-selves from the plan of ruling half the world by a 
mercenary sword * * * between craft and credulity the voice of reason 
is stifled and all misconduct, all the calamities of war are continued * * - 
the use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a moment, but 
it does not remove the necessity of subduing again, and a nation is not gov- 
erned which is perpettially to be conquered. A further objection to force is 
that you impair the object by your very endeavors to preserve it * * * 
the thing you fought for is not the thing which you recovered. 

Students of history and political science are opposed to our Phil- 
ippine policy. 

Andrew Carnegie said: 

That Britain possesses her colonics is a mere figure of speech; that her 
colonies possess her is nearer the truth. Our colonial empire seems a big 
phrase, but so far as material benefits are concerned the balance is the other 

Trade does not follow the flag in our day; it seeks the lowest prices current. 
It has heretofore been the glorious mission of the Republic to establish 



_ ight 

to govern themselves, be the first victims of Amtu-icans. whoso proudest I oast 
is that they secured independence for themselves? If wo tako these islands 
we will have to govern them as generously as Britain has governed her colo- 
nies. This will leave nothing but a source of expense. 

John G. Carlisle said: 

There is no room in the Constitution for a military despotism or for the exer- 
cise of arbitrary power by the civil authorities anywhere in tho jurisdiction 
of the United States in tune of peace, and whenever the Philippine Islands, 

4588 



16 

Porto Rico, or other islands shall become a p.irt of our territory their inhabi- 
tants will be entitled to ail the rights, privileges, tind immuuities secured to 
the people by the Constitutiou. 

Professor McDonald, professor of history and political science 
in Bowdoin College, Maine, said: 

The permanent governing of outlying districts or colonies in fact, though 
not in name, is so far foreign to our historic usage, and rests upon so different a 
theory of national organization, that the adoption of such a course might well 
be fraught with grave menaca to our whole constitutional system * * * 
Instead of beiug the means of wealth to the mother country, the English colo- 
nies have become so great a source of expense that statesmen have wondered 
■whether the load could bo much longer borne. * * * The adoption of the 
policy of national expansion, even upon a moderate scale, means the adoption 
of a new scale of national taxation and expenditure and opens the doors to 
administrative outlays, direct and indirect, greatly in excess of those to 
which we are now accustomed. 

Dr. Felix Adler said: 

The principle that an inferior class shall be ruled by a superior class is 
a principle of aristocracy. The principle that no class shall be regarded as po- 
litically inferior, but that all shall participate on equal terms in the gov- 
ernment, is the principle of democracy. Tlie two principles can not keep 
house together in the same state. * * * if ^vo accustom ourselves to see 
millions of persons who live within the territories which belong to the United 
States excluded from the rights of citizenship on the ground that tbey are not 
fitted to exercise them, the question will presently be raised— indeed, here and 
there it has already been raised— whether on tbe same ground millions of ijer- 
sonsnow exercising the franchise within the limits of the United States ought 
not to be deprived of their rights. 

OUR "PLAIN DUTY." 

What is our duty in the present exigency? All the testimony 
goes to show that the Filipinos are capable of self-government. 
Admiral Dewey says they are better fitted for self-government than 
the Cubans. General Wheeler says: 

I consider the Filipinos a very superior people— a people with great possi- 
bilities. 

" Once to every man and nation comes the moment to decide, 
"In the strife ot truth with falsehood, for the good or evil side." 

The time has come for iis to decide. The sword that was un- 
sheathed for freedom should be used in freedom's cause. The 
principles of imperialism should not be substituted for the teach- 
ings of Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln. We have an oppor- 
tunity to win the greatest victory we ever achieved— to conijuer 
ourselves and stand by the faith of the fathers. Give to the Fili- 
pinos the pledge we gave to Cuba. Give to them their freedom 
and our protection, and we will have the honor of bringing into 
existence a new nation, for which posterity will bless tis. 

Exhibit A. 
[Inclosures.- The Straits Times, June 9.] 

MR. SPEXCER PRATT SERENADED— MEETING OF FILIPINO REFUGEES AT THE 
UNITED STATES CONSULATE— THEY PRESENT AN ADDRESS TO MR. SPENCER 
PRATT AND DRINK TO AMERICA, ENGLAND, AND ADMIRAL DEWEY. 

The United States consulate at Singapore was yesterday afternoon in an 
unusual state of bustle. That bustle extended itself to Raffles Hotel, of 
which the consulate forms an outlying part. From a period shortly prior to 
5 o'clock, afternoon, the natives of the Philippines resident in Singapore began 
to assemble at the consulate. 

Their object was partly to present an address to Hon. Spencer Pratt, 
United States consul-general, and partly to serenade him, for which pur- 
pose some twenty-five or thirty of the Filipinos came equipped with musi- 
cal instruments. Gradually the crowd gathered in the vicinity of the United 
States consulate, and. after a little quiet, preliminary music,' Dr. Santos, as 
roi)rosenting the Philij.pino community in Singapore, proceeded to read 
the following address, which was originally drafted in Spanish and then 
translated into French. The address was read in French, and the following 
is an English tran.slation: 
45S8 



17 

THE ADDUESS. 



"?'o the Hon. tklu-ard Spencer Pratt, Consul-UcHaal of the United States of 
J^ortli America, Singapore: "^ ' ><= ckkik oiarcs o/ 

^ZfHf' V^° PliiliPPiue colony resident in this port, composed of representa- 
tives of all social classes, have come to present their respects to vou at tlf« 
legitimate reprosontative of the great and p„wcrfnl MnJ^^icaVR^^numc i^ 
order to express our ctornal gratitude for tho moral and material pro ection 
extended by Admiral Dewey to our trusted leader. Gen. Eml io A^u nal lo 
?Inl^'\- ?r^ '^"''^"^ *^ ^'''>? ''^ ^^'"^^ "1 "le name of S,(^W OfK F Hpilro" "n de- 

Q,.'.',^IV' '^^o.»"t>'>'nien at home, and those of us residing here, refugees from 
fepamsh misrule and tyranny m our beloved native land, hope that the UnH 
btatos, your nation, persevering in its humane policy, \vilLfflcaciousl y sec- 
re^'^'ifrt !^i,':'° f'J^f " ^'°"' ^i^"' ^"'J General Aguinaldo in 



ond the progiamme 



this poi.t of ^ngap^rcT^Ci^^Se^^ii:^ to^v:^ o^^ili^ependJi^ce ui^e^^?^^ 
tion uf the Unit^l States Our warmest thanki are e.siiecially due ?o^^^^^^ 
sir, personally, for having been the first to cultivate relations with Jene?ai 
Aguinaldo and arrange for the cooperation with Admiral Dowev thus siiii 
porting our aspirations, which time and subsequent Snshav^develoied 
Fh^.iw"-^'^ ^'^ '"""f '^'*'i *^« applause and approl/ation of your nation 
Finally, wo request you to convey to your illustrious President and tho 
American people, ancl to Admiral Dewey^ur sentiments of sinc^re-ratitudl 
and our most fervent wishes for their prosperity. ^mctie ^irttuuae 

"Singapore, June s, 1S9S. " 

Dr. Santos, having presented the above address to Mr. Spencer Pratt nro- 
ceeded, speaking in French, to state his belief that the Filipinos would mwe 
and were now proving themselves fit for self-government V/hile it wouhf 
be very desirable that such a government should blinder America^ wo 
■^^^S^H^V^®*^ '■ I'^T'"'^ be found that the bravo Filipinos who^^^?^ now d?fv- 
•mg the Spanish ti;oops before them, were quite fit also to fill offices o^' civil 
administration Relernng to certain news which had been tele^Taphrd 
from Europe, Dr. Santos deprecated the transfer of the Philippiaes trora 
Spam to any power. He was quite confident that the sympathy of the Amei? 
can people would be with a nation who were struggling to be free: 

THE UNITED STATES CONSUL-GENERAL REPLIES. 

in.^fn FVenS'so'id- ^^'^ '''^'^^■*^®^' *^<^ United States consul-general, alsospeak- 

r ^n,?,';!if^fl'^^*^"' *^^° ^'°-^°J y°" i"^^*^ conferred upon me is so unexpected that 
I can not find appropriate words with which to thank you and with which to 
th!^4h°tW ?'?:'r"^ address you have just read to me. Rest Sred? 
though, that I fully understand .and sincerely appreciate the motives that 
iia\e piouipted your jnesent action and that j-our words, which have sunk 
deepm my he.art, shall be faithfully repeated to the President to Admiral 
^.Va^l\fu^ }i? ^^^ American people-from whom I am sure that they will 
meet with full and generous response. 

T,l;',':Vnj^!!;.?-'T-^^™°V'*n ago the world resounded with the praises of Ad- 
?lVe 4\.?r^.T.^T/?^ k"* l^lJ'^T-offic-ers and men for a glorious victory won by 
ihl t^™" icau Asiatic Squadron in the bay of Manila. Now we have news of 
the brilliant achieveineuts of your own distinguished leader, Gen. Emilio 
Aguinaldo, cooperating on land with the Americans at sea. You have iust 
reason to bo proud of what has been and is being accomplished by General 
Aguinaldo and your fellow-countrymen under his command. When, six 
weeus ago, I learned that General Aguinaldo had arrived incognito in Singa- 
th^t'iiwil"?! "'''^^' ?""?'* ^""^ '?"^- A" I'-o"'"'^ interview convinced me 
Si rifw^J T° """' f°'" ^^'^ occasion: and, having communicated with Ad- 
^ ^. .Pf^ r^^^ accordingly arranged for him to join the latter, which he did 
atLcivite. xne rest you know. 

n,Pans'''^f*h,wu!i.*'? ^'Yf, ''""'' "'° means, though merely the accidental 
A^rlf, h^? rwli?. ^'^^''",* *^® arrangement between General Aguinaldo and 
Admiral Dewey which has resulted so happily. I can only hope that the 
w"of1h°;'Fp|"v':'" be all that can be dis'ired f or the haJpS an'i wel^ 
era! Sh.-,? ,^^.\'i ^- ^^^ parti"g Words to General Aguinaldo were, 'Gea- 
and fi om t!?e t,enf''v.?,r''"^ you rsel, great, prove yourself magnanimous.' 
oI^,,i ?J, t? tieatment accorded to the recent Spanish prisoners it would 
appear that he had done so." [Applause ] i^xi^uucio uouiu 

*i,"'^^V-'''-'^°"^'"^^'^"/'* ^^^'- Pi'att's speech refreshments were served and aa 
*.^%^'^J,P;;'?f ' being Christian.s, drink alcohol, there ^^"s no drfficuky i lar 
1 angmg as to refreshments. "Long lii e and prosperity " were drunk to Mr 
Consul Geneml Spencer Pratt. Then the American RepiO-lic was cheered' 
Then Commodore Dewey was cheered for his gallant victory Then En-laud 
was cheered for sheltering the Filipino refugees i^n«!aua 

i583-2 



18 

PRESENTING A FLAG. 

Then Dr. Santos, as the spokesman of the Filipino refugees, again ad- 
dressed the audience with many complimentary remarks on the gal.autrrof 
A imiral Dewey and the skill and foresight of United States Consul-Ueneral 
Pratt, and with glowing forecasts of the prosperity that awaited the Philin- 
pnie Jsianas under the new regime. He expressed a desire to have an 
Am rican flag as a reminiscence of the day's proceedings. Mr. Spencer 
Pratt, again speaking in Fren'-h. replied, saying: 

•' This flag was borne in battle, and is the emblem of that very liberty that 
you are seeking to attain, its red stripes represent the blood that was shed 



At the conclusion ot Mr. Piiatt's speech he handed an American flag to 
Dr. Santos, who received it reverently and waved it exultantly, am'dst'tha 
cheers of the assembled Kili;iin.>s. The flag would, said Dr. Santos be pre- 
served so that future generations might look at it with pride. 

[Singapore Free Press, June 9, 18D8.] 

MR. SPEXCER PItATT AXD THE FILIPINOS OF SINGAPORE— AX ADDRESS OP 
CONG RATULATION. 



gianuatory ot the American successes in the present war, and cxpres-<ive of 
the th.inus of the Filipino community here for the ad now being given by 
uie United States to the aspirations of the Filipino people for national free- 
dom. 



entitle him to be styled "Agumaldo's Englishman." Mr. Spencer Pratt and 
Mr. Bray both wore tbe badge of the Liga Filipina, presented to them by Gen- 
eral Aguinaldo during his incognito visit to Singapore. 

After Mr. Braj' had performed the ceremony of mtroducingtho deputation 
to v.(msui-Geueral Spencer Pratt, Dr. Santos, the chief Filipino refugee here, 
Tvho has boon educated at Barcelona and Paris, delivered the address, of wkich 
the toUowmg is a translation: 

"The Hon. Edward Spencer Pratt, 

'•Cousul-Gcnei-al of the United States of North America, Singapore. 

"Sir: The Filipino colony resident in this port, compo.sed of representa- 
tives oi all social classes, have come to present their respects to you as the 
le.gitimate representative of the great and powerful American Republic in 
order to expro.-s our eternal gratitude for the moral and mr.terial Drotec- 
tion extended by Admiral Dowey to our trusted leader, Gea. Kmiiio Ai?ui- 
naldo, who has been driven to take up arms in the name of H,()!«),0!)0 Filipinos 
in de.en.se ot those very principles of justice and liberty of which your coun- 
try 13 the toreraost champion. 

"Our countrymen at home and those of us residing here, refugees from 
bpanisn misrule and tyranny in our beloved native land, hope that the 
bnued Suites, your nation, jiersevering in its humane policy, will effica- 
ciously second the programme arranged between you, sir, and General Agui- 
naldo 111 this port of Singapore, and secure to us our independence under'the 
protection oi the United States. 

" <^"i" warmest thanks are especially due to you. sir, personally, for having 
Been the hrst to cultivate relations with General Aguinaldo and arrange for 
his cooperation with Admiral Dewey, thus supporting oar aspirations which 
time and subsoriuoiit actions have developed and caused to meet with the 
applause and approbation of your nation. 

"Finally, we request you to convey to your illustrious President and the 
American people, and to Admiral Dewey, our sentiments of sincere grati- 
tude and our moat fervent wLshes for their prosperity. 

"Singapore, Jw/ieS, ;S95." 

The address which was written in Spanish, and read in French by Dr, 
Kanto.s. the spokesman, was replied to in French by Mr. Spencer Pratt, to the 
lOllowing eliact: 

" Gentlemen, the honor you have conferred upon me is so unexpected that 
1 can not hnd appropriate words with which to thank you, with which to re- 
ply to the eloquent iiiidress you have just read tome. Kestasnu-ed, however, 
that I tully unlorstand and sincerely appreciate the motives that have 
Piompted your present action, and that your words, whi'h have sunk deeii 
in my Uf art, shall be faithfully repeated to the President, to Admiral Dewey, 
4583 



19 

and to tho American people, from ■whom, I am sure, they will moot with full 
and genorous response. A little over a month aRotho world rebounded with 
the praise of Admiral Dowey and hiis fellow-otlicors and men lor a fjlonous 
victory'won by the Amoric:in Asiatic Squadi'on in tho bay of Manila. 

"•To"-day we have tho nows of the brilliant achiovemoiits of your own dis- 
ting.iished k-ader, Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, cooperating on land with the 
Americans at sea. Yon have just reason to bo proud of what has been and is 
bein}jaccom])lishpd by General Aguinaldoand your fellow-countrymen under 
his command. When, six weeks ago, 1 learned that General Aguinaldo had 
arrived incognito in Singapore, I immediately sought him out. An hour's in- 
terview convinced me that ho was the man for tlie occasion, aiid having com- 
municated with A<lmiral Dewey, I accoidingly arranged for him to join the 
latter, which he did at Cavito. Tho rest you know. 

"I am tliankful to have been the means, though merely tho accidental 
means, of bringing about the arrangement between General Aguinaldo mid 
Admiral Dewey which has resultcci so hapnily. I can only hope that the 
eventual outcome will bo all that can bo desired for the happiness and wel- 
fare of tho Filipinos. My parting words to General Aguinaldo were, ' Gen- 
eral, when you have proved yourself great, prove yourfolf magnanimous,' 
and from tho generous treatment that we understand he has accorded to the 
Spanish prisoners taU-en in the recent tight he has done so." [Applause.] 

Dr. Santos, then addressing his fellow-countrymen (Paysanos), called for 
successive "vivas'" for tho President of the United States, for Admiral Dewey, 
and for Consnl-General Pratt; for England, tho "nation hospitaliere," and 
for tho editors of the Singapore Free Press and Straits Times. Constil-General 
Pratt called for "vivas" for General Aguinaldo and the Filipino people. 

Mr. Spencer Pratt subsequently presented an American flag to Dr. Santos 
for the Filipino deputation. "Thibflag,"he said, "was borne in battle, and is 
the emblem of that very liberty that you are seeking to attain. Its red stripes 
represent the blood that was shed for the cause, the white the purity of the 
motive, tho blue field tho azure of the sky, tho stars the free and independent 
States of tho Union. Take it and keep it as a souvenir of this occasio'n. " 

On receiving the flag from the consul's hands Dr. Santos called for three 
cheers for the American nation, waving the flag on high, and stating that 
the Filipinos would always cherish this emblem, "whicU would be preserved 
for future generations to look upon with pride. 

A band of Filipino musicians was in attendance ,and played a selection of 
music, including' some very pretty melodies of their native laud. 

This interesting ceremony terminated about G p. m. 

Exhibit B. 
[Circular No. 4.] 
Division of Customs and Insular Affatus, 

War Dkpartjient, 
Washinrjton, January 16. 1399. 

Tlie following order of the President is published for the information and 
guidance of all concerned: 

Executive Mansion, Waslnngion, December 21, ISOS. 
Tho Secretary of War. 

Siii: The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the h.arbor of Manila by the 
United States naval squadron commanded by Rear-Ad miral Dev.'ey, followed 
by the reduction of the city and the surrender of tho Spanish forces, practi- 
cally eiicctod the conquest of tho Philippine Islands and the suspension of 
Spanisli sovereignty therein. 

With tho signature of the treaty of peace between the United States and 
Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris, on tho lUth instant, and 
as the result of the victories o'l American arms, tho fntui'o control, disjiosi- 
tion, and government of tlie Philippine Islands are ceded to tho United States. 
In fulfillment of tho rights of sovereignty thus acquired and the respon.sible 
obligations of government thus assumed the actual occu)3ation and admin- 
istration of the entire group of tho Piiilippine Islands becomes immediately 
necessary, and tho military government iieretof ore maintained by the United 
States in the city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to bo extended with all pos- 
sible dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory. 

In performing this duty the militarv commander of the United States Id 
enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Phiiipjiine Itiands that in 
succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the ioriner political rela- 
tions of the inhabitants, and in establishing a new political po'.ver tho autlior- 
ity of the United States is to be exerted for tho security of the persons and 
property of tlio peoido of tho islands and for the confirmation of all their pri- 
vate rights and relation.'s. 

It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to an- 
nounce and proclaim in tho most public manner that v.-e come, not as in- 
vaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives ia their homea, 
4.588 



20 

In thoii- omployments, and in their personal and religious rights. All per- 
sons who. either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with the 
Government of the United States to give elTect to these bencflcent purposes 
will I'oceivo the reward of its support and protection. All others will be 
brought within the iawiul rule wo have assumed, with firmness if need be, 
but without severity so far as may be possible. 

Within the ab ^oluto domain of military authority, which necessarily is and 
must remain supremo in the ceded territory until the legislation of the United 
States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect 
to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to be consideied 
as continuing in force and to he administered by the ordinary tribunals so 
far as practicable. The operations of civil and municipal government arc to 
be performed by such olricers as may accept the supremacy of the United 
States by taiiing the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far as may bo 
practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands. 

While the control of all the public property and tlie revenues of the State 
passes with the ce.ssion, and while the use "and management of all public 
means of transportation are necessarily reserved to the aiithority of the 
United States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or corpo- 
rations, is to be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and 
duties heretofore payable by the inhabitants to" the late Government become 
payable to the authorities of the United States unless it be seen fit to substi- 
tute for them other reasonable i-ates or modes of contribution to the expenses 
of government, wliether general or local. If private property bo taken for 
military use it shall be paid for when possible in cash at a fair valuation, and 
when payment in cash is not practicable receipts are to be given. 

All ports and places in the Phiiip])ine Islands in the actual possession of 
the laud and naval forces of the United States will be opened to the com- 
merce of all friendly nations. All goods and wares not prohibited for mili- 
tary reasons bydueanuounceinentof the military authority will be admitted 
upon payment of such duties and other charges as shall "be in force at the 
time of their importation. 

Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the military ad- 
ministration to win the confidence, re.spect, and affection of the inhabitants 
of the Philippines by assuring to them in every possible way that full meas- 
ure of individual rights and liberties which is the lieritage of free peoples, 
and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benev- 
olent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbi- 
trary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temporary 
administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must 
be sodulou.sly maintained the strong arm of authority to repr«.s3 disturbance 
and to overcome all obstacles to the bsstov/al of the blessings of good and 
stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the freo 
flag of the LTnited Stittes. 

WILLIAM Mckinley. 

This order will be duly proclaimed and enforced. 

G. D. MEIKLEJOHN", 
Assistant !iecrctary of War, 

4588 

o 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



< II nil I II III 
013 744 803 8 



